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Monday, April 8, 2019

To what extent Essay Example for Free

To what period EssayFor roman letterss, religion and politics were inseparable, for example, priests were always senators. high-flownus needed to be seen as an emperor if he cute to be one, he used religion to do this a religious name would never contrive been challenged, they were respected and obeyed. When Augustus became pontifex maximus in 12 BC he became, non lone(prenominal) the saecular head of the Roman Empire, just the religious leader as well. Augustus used religion to reorganise the state, establish his own legislations and revive hoar festivals and ceremonies. However, although the advantages to himself were clear, he needed to be aware of Caesars fate and not offend tradition. Augustus knew that he had to be very careful about how he went about things in Rome moreover, in the East, it was a slew more acceptable as the people were already used to worshipping their leaders. If he could be worshipped in the East first, it may make it easier to be worshipped in Rome itself later on. In cliquish it suited Augustus to be integrated with state religion, as demo in the Res Gestae I was pontifex maximus, augur, quindecemviri sacris faciundis.However, in public Augustus had to appear respectful of traditional practice, as shown on the Ara Pacis. After his death Augustus could be worshipped with no issues, during his lifetime however, it was in no way acceptable. Augustus had to resist the creation of an imperial rage during his lifetime to avoid losing all popular support and ending in the same way as his predecessor did. This said, the creation of an imperial cult, if successful, would bring together the disparate provinces that he governed, bringing not only power but in like direction prestige.An imperial cult was the mass veneration of not only Augustus genius, but that of his family and successors. Being a member of the Julian line, he already had some claim to a affiliate with the theologys. Augustus Prima Porta, fashioned in a Hellenistic style, not only shows his pietas, but his merge with the God of Love, Venus. Clinging to his body is cupid riding a dolphin as cupid is the sibling of Aenus who founded the Julian line, the direct message that he is involved with the Gods is already universe propagated. Equally, the fact that Caesar had been made a deity, established the notion that he was a semi-deity in the minds of many Romans.In the Mediterranean world, Augustus provinces were singular in that the citizens of Rome would have regarded treating your ruler as a deity as sacrilegious and immoral. Conversely, in the East, this was not only acceptable, but similarly demanded. Ptolemaic Egypt was cult-like and worshipped pharaohs as Gods. Due to heterogeneous territories, religion was seen as a uniting factor for rulers to act links between the populace and themselves. The idea of Augustus openly declaring himself as a deity during his lifetime was an impossibleness that would have led to exile or assas sination.However, just as Caesar had supposedly risen to the heavens to be immortalised as a deity after his death, he too could be worshipped like this. The test of this is demonstrated by the construction of various temples built to him after his death in AD 14 for example, the temple to Divus Augustus is shown on the Denarius of AD 158. Moreover, Suetoniuss Life of Augustus shows us ways in which, rather than being an innovator of a new imperial cult, Augustus actually restored traditional religious practices.By appearing to profane into the conservatism of Roman religion, Augustus would have pleased the tradionalist majority and allowed his continuing expansionist military effort and viciousness of the cursus honourum, without worry of religious misdemeanour. Suetonius describes his burning of anonymous or unrespected authors keeping only the sibylline books. He also revived certain rites such as the Augury of Safety, the flamen dialis, the Lupercalia, the Saecular Games and the Compitalia. Additionally, he extended the number and prestige of priesthoods.This demonstrated the difference between Augustus private and public goals whereas privately he wished to integrate himself into state religion, publically he had to show piety and respect towards tradition. As priorly noted, in the Res Gestae, Augustus lists his religious powers and titles considering that the Res Gestae was efficaciously an autobiography, it can be inferred that this was received positively as he was satisfied to publish this on stele, it is also evident that the Res Gestae was propaganda designed to influence and so can not be deemed as a reliable, nor objective source.Prompting the creation of an imperial cult would have enshrined Augustus as a deity, given him immortal power to develop his empire and secured his legacy forever. However, it was vital that he treaded the delicate line between pay lip service to Roman conservatism whilst at the same time, attempting to set himsel f above, and apart from, the average Roman politician. Associating himself with Roman deities was an ideal way of achieving this goal and in that respect is a huge range of evidence that he did very little to resist this. Indeed, it is quite possible that he actually endorsed it.Suetonius describes how he renamed the month Sextilis, to August and therefore put straight the calendar. Equally, the Horologium Augusti in the Campus Martius, an immense sundial drew attention to Augustus in a manner unavailable to other Romans. The Serviri Augustutales at Narbo of AD 12-13 was altar dedicated to Augustus. It proclaimed that the Julian ancestral village of Narbo Martinius had bound themselves to worship his divinity for ever. Additionally, the Temple of Augustus at Pula (built between 2 BC and AD 14) and the Temple of Augustus at Tarraco were also built.The Temple of Augustus at Pula had a dedication reading Roma and Augustus Caesar, boy of deity, father of the fatherland indicating that the temple was primarily dedicated to the goddess Roma, the personification of Rome, making himself a secondary figure to the City in order to not be seen to be encouraging the creation of an imperial cult. It could be argued that, if Augustus was genuinely against the worship of himself and his family, he would have prevented provincials from establishing temples in his name despite the fact that the Hellenistic practice of ruler-worship was well established in certain provinces.However, the evidence suggests that this was not the case as Augustus did little to null to prevent the construction of such temples. Indeed, Augustus, upon hearing that the people of Tarraco had reported a palm tree had giving on an altar to him, is recorded by Quintilian to have responded, That shows how often you light a fire there. This clearly opposes the view that he shrinked from such worship as it suggests he encouraged it. However, as Quintilian wrote this decades after the event may have happen ed, the reliability of this source must be questioned.Furthermore, the aureus of 19 BC depicts the communion table of Fortuna Redux, an altar at the Porta Capena to the Home-bringer, praising her for Augustus safe return. This was also the site of the festival of Augustalia the act of having unutterable festivals dedicated to you was naturally a privilege usually reserved to the Gods. Furthermore, the close proximity of Temple of Apollo Palatinus with Augustus bear blurred the lines between his numen and his power as they came together as an imperial residence. The Hymn of the Salii, or Carmen Saeculare was the nervous strain of the leaping priests of Mars, keepers of the ancilia and undoubtedly revered positions.The fact that they added his name to this god-praising song was highly unconventional and a adventurous move if Augustus had ordered this. Augustus evidently sponsored Augustan Literature, by means of Maecenus patronage of several poets. at that place are many clear e xamples of Augustus either being associated with the Gods in literature, or being portrayed as god himself. There is no doubt that Augustus knew about these comparisons prior to recital or publication and therefore encouraged these attempts to link himself with deities.Virgils Aeneid is the prime example of this the poem depicts Augustus descending from heaven with Iulus, loaded with the wealth of Egypt of the Orients spoils and that he too shall be called upon in prayer. To add to this emphasis of his connection with Iulus, the building of the Temple to Divus Julius in the Forum Romanum and the Temple to Mars Ultor in the forum of Augustus both underline his connection to the semi-deity Caesar through his completion of filial duty. Horaces Odes 1. 2 similarly shows Augutus as the gods right hand man.Horace describes the moral decline and religious neglect of the period of gracious war and strife and Augustus is called forth to atone for previous sins and to aid the crumbling Empir e. Such glowing accounts of Augutus can be explained as many of the poets were convalescing from lost estates from civil war times and, through indirect sponsorship from Augustus, were expected to translate underlying messages of the regime into poetry. Naturally, this kind of glaring worshiping was only acceptable in the abstract medium of poetry, as poetry was known to exaggerate candor and stretch any possible truth.Overall, the weight of evidence tends to suggest that Augustus did not try particularly sullen to resist the creation of an imperial cult during his lifetime. Although he showed piety and respect to tradition throughout his reign, his okay and, often encouragement, of provincials worshipping him demonstrated that he wished to be classed as a divine being as it meant that he would have gained all possible power. The creation of an imperial cult resulted in an almost tyrannical rule, where Augustus could not be questioned.

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